Indigenous Peoples and Tourism: Culture Clash?
Two men greet visitors to Los Uros. The sign reads "Welcome" in Spanish and Aymara, the language spoken by the inhabitants of Los Uros.
Due to the fact that my main duties throughout my eight weeks in Puno involved working at the university, the bulk of my interactions with the numerous indigenous people of Puno came through tourist excursions that Elizabeth and I went on with our coworkers from the Pastoral. Because I primarily learned about their culture through cultural tourism, and have been trained by my undergraduate education at Notre Dame to analyze this critically, on each excursion in which we interacted with the indigenous, I wondered about how they interpreted the experience.
For small indigenous communities, because of global pressures, engaging in endeavors whose end-goal is development is the only option they have; the ways of life that they have practiced for centuries is not compatible with broad and unlocalized government or business strategies for economic growth, meaning that if they do not choose to adapt, they will be forced to do so. Broad and Cavanaugh write, “[It] has been the opening of [the natural resources of the poor] to global agribusiness, factory fishing fleets, and corporate interests that often leads to real poverty” (23). In the case of Puno, Aymara indigenous communities who inhabit Los Uros, the famous floating islands on Lake Titicaca, are unable to maintain their traditional subsistence practices of fishing and hunting birds because of government prohibitions, put in place to protect the businesses now based in these industries. The islanders openly divulge this information to tourists, along with reminders that tourism is now their main source of income. Due to the fact that there are more islands than tour groups each day, the islands rotate visitor reception, meaning that families on the islands can go several days without any income.
A view inside a home on an island in Los Uros. The photograph was taken from just outside the entrance; what is pictured is almost the entire size of the home.
According to Hultsman, there are also human and social aspects of cultural tourism which pose an ethical concern that must be considered. It is essential that cultures must be respected and authentically represented (558). As Gmelch writes, “When local rituals and celebrations are marketed as tourist ‘spectacles’… they can lose their importance to local people” (18). For an ethical and culturally sustainable tourism, respect is necessary in order to avoid degrading local people and their cultures. Over time, this degradation can manifest itself into a complete degradation of culture in which it is manufactured for the sole purpose of tourism, resulting in a loss of authenticity (18). However, when authenticity is maintained, the benefits are enjoyed by both tourists and locals, because traditions and customs are respected. The respect is empowering for local people because it affirms their culture in a positive way, rather than permanently altering their views of their own cultures.
The cultural tourism in Peru is largely a product of those who identify with and participate in that cultural tradition. However, for many of these communities, the choice to enter into the tourism industry is not entirely free and autonomous, but rather a result of pressure to develop, and is seen as an “only hope” out of poverty. Thus, cultural tourism in and of itself has the potential to raise considerable questions about ethicality and sustainability, which become more pressing when one considers that the industry itself may not even be successful. When a group depends upon tourism as a primary or sole source of income, the commodification of their culture for fruitless ends is demeaning and damages meaningful traditions and ways of life. To resolve the disconnect between the actual tourism traffic and the efforts and sacrifices that many indigenous make in order to benefit from it, Puno must reconsider the situation of the indigenous, and collaborate with them to ensure that they are able to maintain their cultural practices and ways of life that are ethical and conscious of their cultural value and human dignity.
The cultural tourism in Peru is largely a product of those who identify with and participate in that cultural tradition. However, for many of these communities, the choice to enter into the tourism industry is not entirely free and autonomous, but rather a result of pressure to develop, and is seen as an “only hope” out of poverty. Thus, cultural tourism in and of itself has the potential to raise considerable questions about ethicality and sustainability, which become more pressing when one considers that the industry itself may not even be successful. When a group depends upon tourism as a primary or sole source of income, the commodification of their culture for fruitless ends is demeaning and damages meaningful traditions and ways of life. To resolve the disconnect between the actual tourism traffic and the efforts and sacrifices that many indigenous make in order to benefit from it, Puno must reconsider the situation of the indigenous, and collaborate with them to ensure that they are able to maintain their cultural practices and ways of life that are ethical and conscious of their cultural value and human dignity.
As part of the tourism circuit on Amantani, the host families dress visitors in typical clothing from the island; then, all are invited to a dance at the community center. My site partner and I decided not to go to the dance. As my excuse, I said that I was tired, and she said that she was as well; however, I actually felt uncomfortable with dressing in the clothes and going to the dance, and I think that my site partner did as well. I worried that it would be too exploitative, too disrespectful.
I worried that my presence as a visitor eager to learn about the cultural practices of the Amantani islanders would never be able to be anything but a caricature. I had already been feeling uncomfortable by the dynamic with my host family. They did not sit and eat with us but rather served us while we sat around their kitchen table.
For three decades, scholars have pointed to Taquile Island as an example of successful community-based tourism. However, my own experiences have made me question whether or not this is actually the case; in fact, since many of the resources on the subject that I have found are 10 or more years out of date, perhaps a more appropriate question would be whether or not community-based tourism on Taquile Island is still the case. I wondered if island residents felt pressure to participate in tourism as a means of development because they worried that their traditional way of life would no longer be enough to sustain them. Our tour guide from Puno, rather than the people from the island, was our main source of historical and cultural information about Taquile.
I worried that my presence as a visitor eager to learn about the cultural practices of the Amantani islanders would never be able to be anything but a caricature. I had already been feeling uncomfortable by the dynamic with my host family. They did not sit and eat with us but rather served us while we sat around their kitchen table.
For three decades, scholars have pointed to Taquile Island as an example of successful community-based tourism. However, my own experiences have made me question whether or not this is actually the case; in fact, since many of the resources on the subject that I have found are 10 or more years out of date, perhaps a more appropriate question would be whether or not community-based tourism on Taquile Island is still the case. I wondered if island residents felt pressure to participate in tourism as a means of development because they worried that their traditional way of life would no longer be enough to sustain them. Our tour guide from Puno, rather than the people from the island, was our main source of historical and cultural information about Taquile.